“The
reality is quite plain: the ‘end of the era of nationalism’, so long
prophesied, is not remotely in sight. Indeed, nation-ness is the most
universally legitimate value in the political life of our time” (Anderson,
1983:3)
Both
Benjamin and Anderson try to deal with a fundamental paradox of modern times.
The classical neoliberal theory predicted the disintegration of national
borders once with the implementation of capitalism at a global level. Even
Marx, in his Communist Manifesto, preached: “Workers of the world, unite!”
(Marx, 1848). Therefore, although in different forms, both classical liberals
and Marx predict the creation of a united world. However, as Nairn will later
notice, the theory of nationalism will contradict all Marx’s credos and will represent
“his great historical failure” (Anderson, 1983:3). After the Second World War a
reverse process took place: the more markets and networks were expanded, the more
new forms of nationalism arose at a local level.
Throughout
his book, Anderson tries to reveal the mechanisms lying behind the birth of
nationalism in the aftermath of the Industrial Revolution. Glimpsing the
imagining character of nationalism, Renan observes that “l’essence d’une nation
est que tous les individus aient beaucoup de choses en commun, et aussi que
tous aient oublié bien de choses”. Therefore, the concept of nation is based on
the imagined perception of a communion (the feeling of being subject to a
greater providence together with other people) and on history that is constantly
reinterpreted. Firstly, Renan’s definition highlights the strong
interdependence between the concept of nationalism and the power of affect. As
Anderson beautifully writes, “nationalism” will play the same role as religion
in the mental of society. It is attractive exactly because of its causality,
because it offers the sense of resurrection that people innately are looking
for.
Secondly,
in order for this restoration to take place, people need to forget and history
needs to be interpreted in new terms. The nation is imagined as a homogenous “deep,
horizontal comradeship” and its members are willing to die for it, if an
outside threaten is perceived (Anderson, 1983:7). Popular nationalism becomes
the great mobilizer, presented in terms of “self-defence”. However, the sense
of danger always emanates from the leaders and serves the interests of the
leaders: “it is leadership, not people, who inherit old switchboards and
palaces” (Anderson, 1983:159). Therefore, money, portrayed as the “booty”” of
the victorious, is at the base of nationalism (historical materialism). It is a
“procedure of empathy” (Benjamin, 1940:VII).
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