Why do we fight and what do we fight for? Violence as a
pervasive and still permeable structure of revolution is fueled by conflicts of
power, a power that has always taken legitimate and illegitimate forms. The
articles for the week focused on how protest centered on political, social,
cultural, economic themes, without looking at the way violence intertwined with
these realities. In the 18 days of protest throughout Egypt, violence seemed overlooked.
Perhaps this is my own romanticizing of martyrdom in hoping to give meaning
death, but still, I am concerned with how and why the protest was seen
primarily as a “battle of words and images,” (Lindsey) a battle of idea and
principle, and not a battle of bodies or force, ignoring organized violence. I
am interested in the way that violence seems to transcend politics, if not the
human all-together, how it might engage with Ranciere’s assertion that
“democracy is this principle of otherness.” Perhaps violence too relies on
otherness, on chaos, on mass individualism. And then if we address violence in
relation to power, we must recognize that the people’s power has always been
the power to retaliate. It has always been a power of rebellion, a way of
fighting against forms of oppression. Power has never been handed to the people
and, therefore, the modern day violence we see is but one real effect, perhaps
an unintended consequence inherent to protest. That idea brings Colla’s piece
to mind. Maybe violence falls under the repertoire of performance as familiarly
associated with protest. In looking more carefully at the texts, Swedenburg touches
on violence briefly as it relates to youth as dangerous agents or perpetrators
within a culture of violence, while Lindsey makes statements like “although
protesters faced violence from police and -- infamously -- regime-enlisted
thugs, for the most part the revolution was peaceful.” But I want to
think about violence as something beyond, other than, violent acts. And then
also thinking of violence not as it pertains specifically to the victim but to
the citizen, perhaps also looking at gendered violence, violence of resistance,
and extreme violence. I want to think about the types of destruction, physical
and meta-physical, that arise as result of violence. Is violence acceptable in
the name of the nation? On a governmental level, how free is the state to act
with violence and how much more so than civilians? Why is it that the state can
act with violence to protect the people from other forms of violence? How is nationalism
then introduced in this discussion? Can we hold individuals responsible for
acts of violence that are against the state or for acts of violence that are
under the structure, under the violence culture? Is violence ever justifiable?
Is there a natural element to violence that we ignore? Is violence necessarily
bad?
Monday, November 26, 2012
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